The new measures promised are welcome and important for Gaza’s struggling private sector and the population at large. The changes in access policies seen since the June 20^th Israeli Security Cabinet decision and the measures promised in this latest press conference are, however, minimal compared to need. Israel is currently allowing Gaza residents to receive 3% of the construction materials needed to re-build the Strip and to export 1% of the quantities promised in earlier agreements. A small fraction of projects led by the international community have received approval, let alone materials, to begin building.

With the proposed measures, we hope to see a rise in these figures. For example, the new package promises 40,000 tons of gravel – in February. The rest of the year is anyone’s guess, since hints in the press statement that Sufa crossing would be opened for transfer of construction materials appear to be just a one-time gesture intended to clear tens of thousands of tons of gravel which have been sitting there since Israel banned construction materials in 2007 and then closed Sufa in 2008.

Approval for twenty additional projects is also welcome, provided that it won’t take months to negotiate the entrance of each truckload of cement and steel, as has been the case until now. UNRWA alone reports that just 9% of its construction plan has been approved.

The measures also include reducing Gaza’s dependence on Israel for infrastructure – including by exploring new sources of energy and increasing capacity to treat sewage and de-salinate the water supply. Just for reference, currently the Palestinian Authority pays Israel for electricity to Gaza to the tune of some 40 million shekels per month (11 million dollars), and it is estimated that it would take several years to develop proper infrastructure to supply Gaza’s needs – assuming Israel refrains from measures taken in the past which have included blocking infrastructure inputs and bombing the power station.

But this isn’t just about “improving living standards” that have been dramatically and deliberately worsened over three and a half years of closure. While Israel negotiates numbers with the international community’s most high-ranking envoy, Gaza residents are being denied their right to build schools, hospitals, and homes and to travel, produce and sell the goods necessary in order to engage in their livelihoods. If there really has been a paradigm shift and security is the only criteria for what can enter or leave Gaza, then perhaps we can do better than this.

The transfer of diesel through the tunnels reduces the electricity shortage in Gaza but does not resolve the problem. The power plant still needs industrial diesel, which is mixed with regular diesel coming from Egypt in order to reduce the amount of sulfur emitted from the production process. In these new circumstances, power outages have shortened but still occur for an average of six hours a day, posing hardship for Gaza residents. True to today, the plant is producing about 60 MW of energy, while the total electricity deficit in the Strip stands at 80 MW.

As far as underground economies go, the Egyptian channel is not reliable. Last week there was a drop in transfer of goods from Egypt due to recent events there, casting doubt on the stability of the diesel supply to the Gaza power plant. When the tunnels are operating, the government in Gaza coordinates the transfer of fuel and collects taxes on it (NIS 0.60 per liter of diesel that costs the merchants bringing it in less than one shekel). Based on these figures one can only wonder about the conclusion of the Turkel Commission, which legitimized Israel’s restriction on diesel transferred to the power plant, stating that these restrictions were an instrument to promote Israel’s military objective of harming “Hamas’s capacity, including its military capacity, to continue attacking Israel”.

Not only has the closure of Gaza failed to protect it from the virus, but the restrictions on the passage of equipment and fuel are making it difficult to contain the virus’s spread.

During the military operation last winter, 15 hospitals and 34 medical institutions were damaged, and their repair has not been possible due to Israel’s refusal to allow building materials into the Gaza Strip. While Israel boasts of permitting increased quantities of humanitarian aid to Gaza, it continues to restrict the entrance of medical supplies, claiming security risks. Thus, Israel is making it difficult to send batteries needed for the UPS systems that protect sensitive hospital equipment during the frequent power outages and is limiting the supply of additional medical supplies, such as X-ray equipment.

The Swine Flu, however, known for its tendency to breach borders, is not treated like other illnesses, and Israel has allowed 6,000 vaccinations purchased by the Palestinian Ministry of Health in Ramallah into Gaza. The vaccinations are destined for Gaza residents who participated in the pilgrimage to Mecca (the Hajj) and for the medical professionals treating patients diagnosed with the virus. It is estimated that more than 400,000 vaccinations are needed for people in high risk groups.

Allowing vaccinations through to Gaza residents is surely a nice public relations photo opportunity, but preventing the outbreak of an epidemic requires appropriate sanitary conditions and infrastructure, too. Frequent and extended blackouts (8 hours a day, 4 days a week), due to Israel’s refusal to allow the transfer of the required amount of industrial diesel to the Gaza power station, interfere with the proper functioning of local hospitals. Hospitals rely on back-up generators during the power outages, but limitations on their power production interferes with the heating and ventilation systems that are vital for maintaining proper air-pressure.  Likewise, the ongoing shortage of gas limits the ability to run hospital washing machines needed for basic hygiene. This past week, only 34% of the gas needed by Gaza residents was supplied (518 tons out of the 1,500 tons needed per week).

Other types of infrastructure systems which are needed to deal with infectious diseases are the sewerage and water purification systems, which also rely on fuel and supplies limited by Israel. A roof over the heads of the thousands of residents uprooted from their homes and the hundreds still living in tents since their homes were destroyed in the war is another basic requirement.

Some people resort to prayer to protect them from the Swine Flu. We would make do, for starters, with policies that allow the ongoing transfer of equipment required for sanitation and the proper functioning of the health system – out of respect for the rights of the 1.5 million people who live in the Gaza Strip.

Maliha, who holds a Doctorate in Mechanical Engineering from the Middle East Technical University in Turkey, has worked in various positions in the electricity sector in Gaza over the past 14 years.

“Originally, the Gaza Power Plant was designed with an output capacity of 140 megawatts of electricity,” he explains. “Throughout its years of operation, the plant’s maximum output level was 118 megawatts. That was in 2006, just before Israel bombed the power plant and destroyed all six transformers”. 

Since then the damage has been partially repaired, but another problem has arisen: Since November 2007, Israel has restricted the transfer of industrial diesel to the Gaza Strip. This diesel can only be used to operate a power plant and it is paid for by the European Union. Thus, a power plant that requires 3.5 million liters per week has been forced to operate on 2.2 million liters per week – 63% of the necessary amount. This causes power outages lasting 6-8 hours, four days a week, with which Palestinian residents of the Gaza Strip must contend.

 “Throughout the month of Ramadan we worked differently,” explains Maliha. “Since it was very hot and the peak consumption and shortage hours were in the evening – due mostly to cooking – we used up reserves of industrial diesel which we accumulated beforehand in order to ease the impact of the shortage on the residents”.

Immediately after the conclusion of the month-long festival, he explained, the power plant was forced to return to its previous level of operation, due to a supply of industrial diesel sufficient to generate only 55-60 megawatts of electricity.

 “What do I need most?” he asks rhetorically, “I need fuel. And also spare parts. We have no other alternative”.

How does he view the future? “It’s hard to look ahead and make plans. Even if we had a plan, we wouldn’t be able to carry it out due to the restrictions. It’s a complicated situation. Right now we are just taking things one week at a time”.